UN Human Rights Regime Assignment The WritePass Journal

UN Human Rights Regime Assignment Introduction UN Human Rights Regime Assignment :1391) argue on similar lines, stating that if one denies the participation of former leaders (who are also the perpetrators of past offences) in a present government, it may effectively â€Å"obstruct social integration and political stability†. By way of example, Alston and Goodman refer to the undesirable consequences of prosecuting major organisations who were involved in the apartheid regime in South Africa, (2012: 1392). Perhaps the most powerful argument against amnesties involves victims’ rights and tolerance of impunity. Protesters of amnesty measures argue that amnesty infringes states’ obligations to make sure that victims receive means to achieve justice, and seek out the truth in their cases (Mallinder, 2008:7). By imposing an amnesty measure, the perpetrators’ crimes are effectively denied, causing victims to feel alienated from society, which, in turn, increases the likelihood of vigilantism on their part (Mallinder, 2008:10). There are not many who would deny the negative impact that amnesty has on victims and/or their families, and the argument here is that such a negative impact cannot be avoided if one is to achieve common good for the society as a whole. Another point against the statement that justice must sometimes defer to amnesty following gross violations of human rights is that such a deferral, by its very nature, prevents the achievement of the aims of criminal justice, such as prosecution, retribution, stigmatisation and deterrence (Freeman, 2009: 20).   Aston and Goodman take this view and point out that trials can be very important in the promotion of â€Å"norms and expectations of punishment† in the country, (Alston and Goodman, 2012:1392). Moreover, as Freeman points out, the deferral of justice to amnesty in spite of the International Bill of Human Rights’ promissory note, undermines public confidence in the rule of law, (Freeman, 2009: 33). However, even assuming that amnesty is capable of preventing the realisation of some of the criminal justice’s goals, it should not be forgotten that an amnesty measure can take many forms. Freeman states that, more often than not, an amnesty measure would be accompanied by other provisions, such a reparation programme, which may lessen the harm caused by an amnesty, and an amnesty’s potential harm caused is always overestimated, (2009:25). Another argument is that there are many conditional amnesties in existence, which may encompass some of the aims of the criminal justice process, for example, Freeman enumerates a number of temporal and provisions amnesties, (2009:93). Even if one takes into account the need for a trial and all its benefits, it is not altogether clear that a trial or its threat may lead to beneficial results in every case, because as Freeman argues, a threat of a trial may lead to the perpetrators destroying the vital evidence needed in the future for the victims or their relatives to find out the truth about a crime, (2009:24). In support of this argument Alston and Goodman also state that any attempts at prosecution in a state which undergoes the transition from an authoritarian past may threaten a delicate peace-conflict balance between different groups, (2012:1391). Mallinder makes a similar argument when she states that although the trial of leaders may benefit the society by asserting the supremacy of democratic values (as argued by Scharf), there may not be enough evidence to put those leaders on trial in the first place, (2008:18). Here, it is interesting to point out an illuminating point made by Mallinder that there could be an instance where the distinction between victims and perpetrators is not clear, for example, in the case of child soldiers who are part of a rebel group in Uganda, and, therefore, the prosecution and punishment may have to take a back seat, (Mallinder, 2009: 34). Clark also questions the belief that the promotion of individual criminal responsibility is always desirable, (in Lessa and Payne, 2012:13). He draws attention to the criminal prosecutions in Rwanda and Uganda, and argues that by insisting on the prosecutions, the international organisations overlooked â€Å"the specific context and dynamics of these countries†, for example, the absence of   legal procedures and institutions to carry out an effective judicial process, (2012:14). This means that even though the countries may be the signatories of the International Bill of Human Rights, their specific contexts should be taken into account, and may be used to justify the imposition of conditional amnesties. One of other widespread arguments against the idea that amnesty should be granted is that doing so only creates a culture of impunity, encouraging future violence, and prevents accountability. This view has a widespread support from many governments around the world, for example, from the government of Sri Lanka.[5] When academics make this argument they often refer to the offenders who continue violate human rights, and are only stopped when amnesty is granted to them. The clear example of this is Ugandan rebel group ‘The Lord Resistance Army’s public statement that they will only stop the violence if amnesty is granted to its members. Nevertheless, to these arguments it can be replied that it is not necessarily the case that amnesty will produce further violence, and in fact, there may be situations where one must choose a lesser of two evils and invoke an amnesty provision. Freeman supports this argument. Therefore, it seems that although the case for the abolition of amnesty is a strong one, it is not without its weaknesses, and despite the promissory note of the International Bill of Human Rights, there may be circumstances where the imposition of an amnesty provision is not a truly unthinkable course of action. It is clear that there are obvious discrepancies between the theoretical foundations of the International Bill of Human Rights and the practical application of the Bill. There inevitably will be circumstances where it is unwise to follow the literal meaning of the Bill. The reality of an international/domestic political scene is that sometimes compromises must be made in order to safeguard peace in a country and prevent further conflict. In the same vein, Snyder and Vinjamuri maintain that in order to prevent future violations of rights and reinforce the respect for the rule of law it is often necessary to â€Å"strike politically expedient bargains that create effective coalitions to contain the power of potential perpetrators of abuses,† (Snyder and Vinjamuri, 2003:17). Thus, one of the main arguments for the proposition that justice must sometimes defer to amnesty following gross violations of human rights is that such deferral of justice is likely to foster reconciliation and may be necessary to achieve peace in terms of promoting political settlement. Linked to this is an argument that amnesties are needed so that a state can make a break from its past and start from a ‘clean slate’, (Mallinder, 2008:13). Governments often use these reasons to justify the imposition of amnesties when it is necessary to end violence. However, this view is becoming more controversial as the states-signatories to the International Bill of Human Rights move to the implementation of more mechanisms of accountability, and this view is not shared by everyone. For example, in 2007 the ICC Prosecutor, Lois Moreno-Ocampo termed the demands of amnesty made by combatants as being nothing less than pure blackmail. Moreover, the offering of amnesty may appear as t hough a state is showing signs of weakness, which may, in turn, encourage more violations of human rights, (Mallinder, 2008:12). However, despite this, Freeman supports the view that amnesties may sometimes be necessary to achieve peace in a state, (2009:11). He contends that there may not be any other choice for societies which have gone through mass violence and genocide, (2009:7). Freeman asserts that he is against the idea of impunity for serious crime, but he states that there may be situations where the desire for peace and security should stand above any impunity which may result from granting amnesty (2009:6). In particular, he states that if we look at such countries as Burma and Somalia and their particular contexts, one may be forgiven for wishing any kind of amnesty in order to ensure the survival of people by lessening daily violent conflicts, even though this leads to impunity, (2009:24). Another argument against the view that amnesties are needed to achieve peace in a country, and to ensure a smooth transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one, is provided by Robinson when he draws on an example of Sierra Leone, (Robinson, 2003:490). In that country, unconditional amnesties were granted to ensure that peace would follow only to discover that the culture of impunity was reinforced and gross violations of human rights continued. However, in reply to all this, it can be pointed out that, regarding the International Bill of Rights in particular, amnesties can be used, because the International Bill encompasses a wide variety of rights, and unlike the Rome Statute, is not primarily concerned with the protection against gross human rights violations. Freeman also makes a relatively convincing argument that amnesties are rarely granted without the imposition of other orders or qualifications, such as a reparation programme or an institutional reform measure, (2009:14). Truth Commissions, which are primarily set up to investigate the causes of death/injury unlawfully perpetrated, often play an important role in offsetting the damage done by amnesty. However, it is questionable whether they are, in fact, as successful as they were initially perceived to be. For example, again using the Sierra Leone example, the Lome Accord 1999 was designed to provide both an amnesty provision and a Truth Commission investigation, but was unsuccessful in its implementation (Alston and Goodman, 2012:1452). Nevertheless, a broad conception of justice usually agrees with the idea that there could be a Truth Commission and a limited amnesty in place to satisfy â€Å"the essential purpose of the right to justice†, (Naqvi, 2003:34). Dugard seems to be of the same view when he states that even though unconditional amnesties should not be permitted, a Truth Commission should still be capable to grant amnesty after an investigation, provided that amnesty contributes to the achievement of peace and justice, and is more effective than prosecution, (Dugard, 1999:1020). Arguably, South Africa’s imposition of a conditional amnesty showed that it was possible to combine an amnesty with an accountability process which culminated in the achievement of truth and social healing. Another argument, which is linked to the argument about the right to remedy discussed above, and which is put forward by Freeman and Pensky (in Lessa and Payne, 2012), is that an amnesty measure will not necessary infringe international law in every instance. This argument rests on the well-known fact that the status of amnesties in international law is unclear, and the practice of its imposition still persists in many countries, including Rwanda, Cambodia, El Salvador and South Africa. This point is supported by Laplante, who argued that the status of an â€Å"outright prohibition on amnesty remains unclear†, (Laplante, 2009:920). To illustrate the point, Mallinder discovered in her research that the number of amnesties which includes different kinds of crimes has increased, and this casts doubt on the proposition that we are living in the age of accountability (Mallinder in Lassa and Payne, 2012:95). Mallinder concludes that this means that there is still a belief that an am nesty measure may be deemed necessary where there is some exceptional situation, (Mallinder in Lassa and Payne, 2012: 96) Liked to this is the idea that amnesties do not necessarily stand in opposition to the spirit of the International Bill of Human Rights, and, in fact, can fulfil some of its provisions by balancing   competing goals, and facilitating long-term peace and security in the nation. One particular example is where a political activist-offender is integrated into a society anew, preventing further disputes. The final point is that some defendants are unlikely to come within the scope of criminal prosecution as defined by the Rome Statute, and some countries’ legal systems may not be sufficiently evolved to prosecute such defendants. In these cases, it may be argued that amnesty could be granted to alleviate the political tension in the country if it exists. Moreover, even the Rome Statute could be said to presuppose the use of amnesties as it gives discretionary powers to prosecutors/judges to take account ‘the interests of justice’, particularly for those defendants which are unlikely to come within the scope of the International Criminal Court’s prosecution.[6] Thus, it seems that it may not be correct to treat all amnesties as being in the opposition to   the principles of justice and truth, and the specific context of a country must be taken into account. Even though amnesties violate the victim’s rights and can potentially create a culture of impunity, it is important to recognise that some amnesties, in some circumstances, may be an effective measure directed at achieving peace and security in a country. This is especially true since it is wrong to think of amnesties as either granting complete impunity or achieving long-term peace. This view fails to take into account the sheer diversity of amnesty measures which a state can employ, and which can be combined with the variety of accountability measures, (Mallinder, 2008:8). Moreover, as Freeman points out, justice may sometimes defer to amnesty because such practice is virtually unavoidable, although it should be maintained as a practice of the last resort (2009:4). Moreover, o ncloser examination, the granting of an amnesty may not be in the direct conflict with the spirit of the International Bill of Human Rights and, therefore, it is fair to say that justice must sometimes defer to amnesty following gross violations of human rights in a state. Word count: 3,228. Bibliography Books/Academic Articles Alston, P. and Goodman, R. (2012) International Human Rights, New York: Oxford University Press Cassese, A. (2008) International Criminal Law, New York: Oxford University Press Cassese, A. (2004) International Law, 2nd Edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press Dugard, J. (1999) ‘Dealing with Crimes of a Past Regime: Is Amnesty Still an Option?’, Leiden Journal of International Law, 12, No. 4, at p. 1001 Freeman, F. (2009) Necessary Evils: Amnesty and the Search for Justice, 1st Edition, New York: Cambridge University Press Griffey, B. (2011) ‘The ‘Reasonableness’ Test: Assessing Violations of State Obligations under the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights’, Human Rights Review, Vol. 11, No. 2 Harris, D., Moeckli, S. and Sivakumaran, S. (2010) International Human Rights Law, 1st Edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press 8.   Joyce, D. (2010) ‘Human Rights and the Mediatization of International Law’, Leiden Journal of International Law, Vol. 23, Issue 3, pp. 507-527 Laplante, L. (2009) ‘Outlawing Amnesty: The Return of Criminal Justice in Transitional Justice Schemes’, Virginia Journal of International Law, 49, at p. 915 Lessa, F. and Payne, L. (2012) Amnesty in the Age of Human Rights Accountability, New York: Cambridge University Press Loucaides, L. (2003) ‘TheDeveloping Case Law  of the  InterAmerican Court  of  Human Rights’, Human Rights Law Review, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp.  1-25 Mallinder, L. (2010) ‘Law, Politics and Fact-Finding: Assessing the Impact of Human Rights Reports’, Journal of Human Rights Practice, 1, No. 4 Mallinder, L. (2009) ‘The Role of Amnesties in Conflict Transformation’, in Ryngaert, C. (ed.) The Effectiveness of International Criminal Justice, Intersentia Publishers Mallinder, L. (2008) Amnesty, Human Rights and Political Transitions: Bridging the Peace and Justice Divide, Hart Publishing Meisenberg, S. (2004) ‘Legality of Amnesties in International Humanitarian Law. The Lomà © Amnesty Decision of the Special Court for Sierra Leone’, International Law Review of the Red Cross, 86, No. 856 Naqvi, Y. (2003) ‘Amnesty for War Crimes: Defining International Recognition’, International Law Review of the Red Cross, Vol. 85, pp. 583-560 (2003); Available: mkkk.org/eng/assets/files/other/irrc_851_naqvi.pdf [10 Dec 2013] Orentlicher, D. (1991) ‘Settling Accounts: The Duty to Prosecute Human Rights Violations of a Prior Regime’, The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 100, at p. 2537 Robinson, D. (2003) ‘Serving the Interests of Justice: Amnesties, Truth Commissions and the International Criminal Court’ European Journal of International Law, Vol. 14, No. 3, pp. 481-500 Snyder, J. and Vinjamuri, L. (2003) ‘Trials and Errors: Principle and Pragmatism in Strategies of International Justice’, International Security, Vol. 28, No. 3, pp. 5-44; Available: http://belfercenter.hks.harvard.edu/publication/343/trials_and_errors.html [ 9 Dec 2013] Weissbrodt, D. Ni Aolin, F., Fitzpatrick, J. and Newman, F. (2009) International Human Rights: Law, Policy, and Process, LexisNexis Publishing; Available: http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/intlhr2006/chapters/chapter8.html [ 7 Dec 2013] Reports United Nations (2011) Report of the Secretary General’s Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka, New York: United Nations Publications; Available: un.org/News/dh/infocus/Sri_Lanka/POE_Report_Full.pdf [10 Dec 2013] Web Materials The International Centre for Transitional Justice (2009) Justice, Truth, Dignity: Amnesty Must Not Equal Impunity [Online]; Available: http://ictj.org/publication/amnesty-must-not-equal-impunity [8 Dec 2013]

How to Build a Sherlock Holmes Mind Palace

How to Build a Sherlock Holmes Mind Palace Admit it. You wish you had a mind like Sherlock Holmes. Recalling the smallest details at the most significant moment, packing a lot of information in your head, remembering places and important events – thats what you want? Well, its absolutely possible. Seriously. You can learn how to control your memory with a help of a powerful technique that is called Mind Palace. It is not only extremely effective but also very fun and not hard to use at all. This technique is amazingly useful in all kinds of situations: memorizing a presentation, learning a new language, studying for exams and many others. Learn how to build your own memory palace and youll become a more confident and successful student. Choose Your Mind Palace First of all, you have to select a place you know very well. This method will be effective only if you can mentally see this place with ease. Think about something you can visualize in detail. You also need to imagine a specific route in your palace. This will help you to recall things in a particular order, which will make the technique much more powerful. A good choice of a Mind Palace could be your own home, a former school, your campus, familiar streets in your city. Just make sure you can imagine this object well. Define Distinctive Features Now you have to pay special attention to the features in your palace. For instance, if you have chosen your home, the first distinctive thing may be the front door. Then you have to mentally walk around the house and remember the things you see. Analyze each room looking from right to left, for example. What attracts your attention? Do you see something unusual? It can be a picture on the wall or a flower in a vase. Continue to explore the house and make notes in your head. Each feature will be used later to store a particular piece of information. Engrave the Palace in Your Mind To make the method work, you have to imprint the palace on your memory. The task wont be a difficult one if you are a visual type of person. Here are some tips that will help you to remember everything better: Walk through the route physically and repeat the distinctive things you see. Write down the features on a piece of paper and walk through them mentally. Look at the things from the same perspective. When you think youve finished, repeat everything one more time. Now you have your Mind Palace! You can use it as many times as you need to memorize the things you want. Mind Palace technique is great, however, you should know that there are much more techniques on how to develop photographic memory. Use Associations Symbols make the memories more manageable and they are really effective for remembering the things. The process of making associations is very simple: you take an image and combine it with a thing you need to memorize. To do that, you have to mentally transport yourself to your Mind Palace. The first feature you see is a front door. Therefore, if you are trying to remember a ship, imagine an anchor on your door. Then continue to associate the things until there are no items left to memorize. Visit Your Palace At this stage, you are done with memorizing the items. Now you need to do a rehearsal, repeating your journey at least one time in your mind. Go from the beginning to the end and try to recollect all the details. When you get the end of your route, turn around and go in the opposite direction until you return to the starting point. And remember, the more relaxed you are, the easier it will be to remember everything. With just a lit bit of practice, the things you memorize by using your Mind Palace will stay fresh in your mind for a long time. cover image credit: Robert Vigalskiy/Hartswood Films and BBC Wales for BBC One image credit: thenerdybomb.com

Police Training and Equipment during Budget Crisis Research Paper

Police Training and Equipment during Budget Crisis - Research Paper Example ions is that the existing police force is barely adequate to handle the volume of crimes andï€ ¬ thereforeï€ ¬ the menace of crime keeps increasingï€ ® This is especially so in the case of countries such as US and UKï€ ¬ which confront the threats of a large number of illegal immigrantsï€ ¬ criminal gangsï€ ¬ drug syndicatesï€ ¬ weapon smugglersï€ ¬ terrorists groups etcï€ ® These criminals, with their free availability of funding and other resources, operate with the help of modern technology and sophisticated gadgets. On the other hand, due to paucity of funds, the training and provision of equipment for police forces remain sidetracked on many occasions. Compromising on the training and equipment of the police forces can impact negatively on their performance and morale especially when they have to confront highly trained, motivated and well equipped criminals. Therefore, the budgetary constraints of government should not be taken as an excuse for cuttin g down on the cost of police training and provision of equipment. In order to analyze this issue, this study will evaluate the existing literature on the topic and data available on police budget and how budgetary cuts affect police training and provision of equipment. In the current scenarioï€ ¬ fighting terrorism is a most complex and challenging concern for the law enforcement agencies in USï€ ¬ as various terrorist organizations are being funded by foreign nations that have plenty of resourcesï€ ® Besidesï€ ¬ the members of such groupsï€ ¬ who are blind believers in religious faithï€ ¬ become committed followers that are ready to sacrifice their lives for the cause they believe inï€ ® They are also highly educatedï€ ¬ technology savvy and driven by fanatics to such an extent that they are prepared to go to any extend to unleash carnage in nations they believe are against the values they cherishï€ ® Therefore, in order to combat criminals of this kind, the police needs to be appropriately trained and well equipped. Ho wever,

The Roles of the Colonial American Woman in the Revolutionary War Essay

The Roles of the Colonial American Woman in the Revolutionary War - Essay Example In the common days, the man was the headmaster of the household and women is assigned to take care of their children. If women have no husbands, or they became widows, or they come out to a decision to end up their relationship by which it resulted to a divorce but it was difficult to be granted at that time. However, the court finds a way to solve this kind of status of widows and spinsters and allows them to live apart. Although, this is not an easy situation to women because they must be married first before they can manage and own the property of her deceased husband. The woman's role was presumably as a single parent and also the head of the family if the woman is not sedentary married. The women must cater her family with food, made clothing, domestic essentials, cleaned house, and supervised the children. (Norton, M.B., pp. 196). The wife has some legal rights that enforced the ordinary law on the era of revolutionary. It was mentioned that "the women could not hold any proper ty of her husband until they are not separated by the law". The husband has the legitimate right to beat her wife for being disobedient. These were the times that women are treated just servants by their master or even by their husband. The woman had no privileges to marry without the prevision of her master. The punishments on their unfaithfulness may subject to fines or even the extension of their service to their master. When a child was born during in the time of service of her mother, that child will also suffer the same kind of mistreated of what her mother suffered and could possibly be publicly abused. In other half, women are separated into two kinds in the years of Revolutionary Era which includes the White Women and Black Women.   White women are always located in city. They could find some jobs such as being a maid, cook, and babysitter without any restriction on the community and even in the Government of Revolutionary War.   Unlike with the white women, black women are treated as the servant. A kind of women who serves on the house as well on the field. (Lerner, G, 1988) The Revolutionary Era has the law that involves about the Interracial Marriage by which the black slave women experienced sexual exploitation and was also abused in which there was no legal reason for them to experience this kind of abuse. These mistreated natures that only the black women who have been always the victims happened in the countries of Pennsylvania and Massachusetts but still black women survived and they underwent all the kind of jobs as possible. Being barbers, midwives, sextons, and blacksmiths are just some of the common jobs they encountered. Again, there are few women who are being mistreated. Women should not be handled in this way. They should be treated just like with the ordinary people should. (Lerner, G,1988) Meanwhile, Colonial American Women had different major groups: the Native Indian Women, the African Women, and the European Women in the Era o f Revolution. Each group has very different cultures and the roles played in their communities and to their families.  

Historical Development Of Radio And Recent Radios Media Essay

Historical Development Of Radio And Recent Radios Media Essay Since mid 1990s, with the liberalization of airwaves in Uganda, private radio FM stations have been mushrooming and have challenge the four decades of dominance of state radio. Majority of radios are located in big towns while a few at the countryside. Despite the increasing number of radio stations countrywide, womens access and participation has remained minimal. In war torn northern Uganda, The Department of International Development (DFID) built a community station radio station-Mega FM. Today it is highly revered for womens empowerment in the region than any other radio station. This is article is twofold. First, it seeks to explore the development of radio industry and the position of women in the ever growing radio industry today. Secondly, it highlights how an alternative radio, specifically Mega FM community radio is contributing to womens empowerment in Northern Uganda. In Andhra Pradesh, India, community radio is being used for womens empowerments. (Hindi 2010). In Haiti, The Haitian Womens Community Radio Network (REFRAKA) facilitates radio production on local community issues including womens voice (Bell, 2010). In Burkina Faso, Radio Pengdwendà © is sued for raising awareness and increasing womens participation in development Koala 2008. In Niger, The Bankilarà © radio station help in local mobilization of women. (Kohler 2008). Examples of womens driven initiatives like these are endless. They demonstrate womens determination for public sphere in different societies where their voices can be heard in development. While in some societies women have been able to set-up their own radios i.e. womens radios, others have not been successful in getting this space. Women still share radios with men but with greater womens involvement and participations. In Africa, according to African Media Development Initiative (AMDI) Report, the last two decades have seen significant growth in radio industry (AMDI 2006). These growths have been in both community radio and commercial radios. Commercial radios are situated in major cities and towns while community radios have mainly dominated countryside. According to sterling et al, [t]he number of community radio stations in sub-Saharan Africa has grown from 10 to more than 800 in the last 20 years. (Sterling et al 2007). This makes community radios the most effective form of communication in rural Africa. According to Sibanda, listenership is estimated above at 91.1% in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sibanda 2001; Sterling et al 2007). Womens ownership of the radio is estimated at 67.8%. In Uganda, since liberalization of airwaves in the mid 1990s, there have been mass waves of radio stations (Khamalwa 2006). There are over 150 radio stations countrywide (Nassanga 2007:4) To date, radios are now in almost all major towns in Uganda reaching all sections of people in the society. These radios have bridged the communication gap between the urban and rural, literate and poor, men and women. The rural poor and marginalized women are taking active in broadcasting. Radio is the main source of information for Ugandans with very high listenership. According to Khamalwa, who cited Intermedia Report of 2005 and Uganda Census Report 2002, he writes that: Listenership in Uganda is very high, with InterMedia estimating in 2005 that 100% of the population had listened to the radio in the past year, 92.8% in the past seven days, and 73.7% as recently as the day before (InterMedia, 2005).The 2002 census showed that about half of households (49.2%) in the country reported that word of mouth was their main source of information, followed by radio (47.8%). This is compared with less than 1% of households who reported the print media (newspapers and magazines) as their main source of information and 1% for TV (UBOS, 2002). (Khamalwa 2006:14) In Gulu, DFID, commissioned and built a new community radio station, Mega FM, to serve the rural war torn northern Uganda with information needs (Ibrahim, 2007). This station is operational since 2002 serving the marginalized communities of former ex-combatants, women and other sections of the population in northern Uganda due to over two decades of war between the Government of Uganda (GoU) and Lords Resistance Army (LRA). It broadcast in local languages with news and some occasional government and NGOs programmes in English. The radio uses different broadcasting formats to suit different audiences. It employs 45 people with some acting as full time while other works as part time staff (Otim 2007). The revenue for sustainability is majorly generated from NGO sponsored programmes and some commercial advertised by corporate companies. This radio is the most stable radio station in northern Uganda with powerful signal reaching as far as South Sudan and Democratic republic of Congo. This article is an attempt to show the history of radio broadcasting in Uganda and the position of women in the current fast growing broadcasting industry. It seeks to highlight the contributions of a community radio to womens empowerment in rural northern Uganda while challenging the role of other mainstream radios in the country. It illustrates the importance of alternative media for women as emphasized by feminist media scholars (Jallov 1992; Steiner 1992). This essay proceeds in several steps. First it traces the historical development of radio in Uganda from the colonial time to latest developments in the industry. Secondly, it seeks to show the position of women in radio industry in Uganda to understand womens portrayal, coverage and their participations. In the third section, I discuss several contributions of Mega FM community radio to womens empowerment in rural northern Uganda and finally highlight the challenges of community radios for womens empowerment in countryside nor thern Uganda. Growth and Development of radio in Uganda In 1937, a Committee on Broadcasting Services in the Colonies was set up by the British government. This committee was charged with the responsibility of investigating the role of broadcasting in the colonies (Chibita 2006: ). This committee recommended that radio broadcasting was to be instrumental not only, and perhaps not even primarily for the entertainment, but for the enlightenment of the population for their instructions in public health, agriculture, etc (Kiwanuka-Tondo 1990:50). Acording to Chibita, it was until the 1940s, the British felt the need for communication more tha ever because they needed to explain it polcies, plans, programmes and intentions. It was by now clear that the print media could not carry out this roles. On recommendation of the Plymouth Report,The Uganda Broadacsting Servies was set up to cater for the interest of the colonial officials (Chibita June 2006:112). Kiwanuka-Tondo adds that this service was set up for major three reasons: Keep foreigners i nformed, mobilization and governance and public education (Kiwanuka-Tondo 1990:54). These reasons are similar to one at the Gold Coast, the modern day Ghana (Head 1979). Therefore in 1954, the first radio named the Uganda Broadcasting Service set up by the British colonial government (Matovu March 1990, Kiwanuka-Tondo 1990). English became the dominant language on the station with a few Ugandan languages. (Chibita 2006; Chibita 2010; Matovu 1990). Indeed, radio was used by the governement as an information channel for the primary benefit of the British perosnnel in Uganda, the Asians, and the small but growing group of Uganda elite. (Matovu 1990:348). The radio remained under the control of colonial govenrment. According to Chibita, before independence, the colonial govenrment controlled the radio. She adds that: Under colonial rule the locals had little access to radio as a political space either as employees or participants in the programming. Apart from monopolizing the airwaves, the colonial government enacted or applied specific laws and statutory instruments including the Penal Code Act of 1950 which criminalized a wide range of media offences including defamation, publication of false news, sedition and embarrassing foreign princes and dignitaries. Inevitably, at the height of the independence struggle, the role of radio as a political space was limited (Chibita 2010 ) By 1957, Ugandan languages had started to dominate the station but they had very limited time on the air. 8 languages were incorporated into the programming (Chibita June 2006). The languages include: English, Luganda, 4Rs, Ateso, Lwo, Lugbara and Hindustani (see Chibita June 2006). The languges shows attempts at regional represnetationby the Bristih governement. For example, 4Rs, (Runyoro, Rutoro, Runakore and Rukiga) are langauges in western Uganda, Lwo is primarily Acholi Langi and Alur in the north while Ateso is primarily eastern and Luganda, the dominant language in the central region. Lungauges like Lugbara were incorprated because of their disticnt aspect. In 1957, a committee again set up to evaluate the broadcasting service in Uganda (Chibita 2006 Matovu 1990). This committee was led Gervase Harley Chibita 2006). The committee finding was came out in what came to be known: The Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Organization, Policy and Operation of the Governments Information Services. According to Matovu, this report underscored the relevance of broadcast services in the country. The report was also critical of the short broadcasting period in Uganda. Among the problems, It cited the lack of a more comprehensive news services as well as the low standard of translation and presentation over the microphone. Other criticisms were lack of sufficient programs reflecting the life, interests and culture of the African outside towns, insufficient attention to the needs of women listeners; and lack of diversity of views on current political affairs. The report also noted that local talent in many field was not being fully encouraged and developed. Also, little was being done to establish broadcasting as a patron of the arts. On the whole, the report summed up, the significance of many of the important elements in Ugandas life and society was not being adequately brought out in the programs. (Matovu 1990:349) Besides being critcal, It also made major recommendations on which the evolution of the Uganda Broadcasting services was to rely. It set up goals for the stations. Some of the recommendations included: Brodcasting in both English and Uganda local langaguges; proper prgramme content including information, education and entertainement; integration of local talent and music and drama; introduce broadcast in secondary schools and finally encourage use if English as a unifying langauge because if varity of Uganda langauges (Matovu 1990:349-350). In 1962, Uganda gained its independence. Uganda Broadcasting Service became a government broadcast station (Kiwanuka-Tondo 1990). It was renamed Radio Uganda (Matovu 1990:350; Chibita 2010). Ugandan started getting access to the radio. Radio became a tool for national consolidation (Chibita 2010 ). Many different programmes and languages were added. By December 1962, Radio Uganda was bordacsting in 13 languages and the weekly total number of hours brodacst has risen from 19 hours in June to 112 in Decmeber 1962 (Matovu March 1990:351). There was no language policy guideline developed by the British for inclusion of the different languages. Chibita states that The Bristish Colonial governement did not have a written policy on language use in the media. She adds that in the post-independece years, The local langauge that got adpoted by state brodcaster came on board one by one, first basing on demographic consideration and later through political pressure (Chibita 2006:114). Due to increasing number of languages, broadcasts started on two channels .i.e. red channel and blue channel. The blue channel is for listeners who speak the Bantu language of the east, west, south and central regions. The red channel broadcasts to listeners who speak vernaculars from the north and north-east (Kiwanuka-Tondo 1990:54). To increase coverage, four booster stations were set up in the four regions of Uganda to ensure countrywide coverage. These booster stations included Bobi in the north, Butebo in the east, Mawagga in the south and Kyeriba in the west (Kiwanuka-Tondo 1990:54) This did not mean every person had access to the radio. It did not reach everyone since very few people could afford to own radio in the early post independence years. To complement radio Uganda, the first television station in Uganda was opened in 1963. This came to be called Uganda Television popularly referred to as UTV. This was a Black and White model. It was until 1975, that Idi Amin, a man known globally for his reign of terror in Uganda from 1971-1979, introduced the first coloured television in the face of Ugandans (Kiwanuka-Tondo 1990). To enhance coverage, countrywide, The TV boosters were set up in Mbale in the east, Soroti in the north-east, Lira in the north, Masaka in the south-west and Mbarara in the west (Kiwanuka-Tondo 1990:54-55). The television access was much harder. It was accessible to only a few privileged persons especially elite and government civil servants. It is important to note that the introduction of Radio Uganda and Uganda Television laid the foundation for development of the broadcast media in Uganda. From 1963, Ugandas politics started changing drastically. There was no clear demarcation between the central government and Buganda kingdom. When Apollo Milton Obote became the first prime minister of the Republic of Uganda, tension developed between the central government and Buganda kingdom because Kabaka of Buganda was accorded the the position of ceremonial president (Chibita 2010) at the time of Independence. The tension between the Republic and Buganda kingdom continued for a long time eventually culminating into what is often referred to as Uganda crisis of 1966. Obote abolished kingdoms and he went ahead to proclaim himself as the president of the Republic of Uganda. According to Kasozi et al, the [t]raditional rulers were deposed in 1966-1967 not through votes of their subjects but by decree;à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦endorsed by the members of parliament (Kasozi et all:59). Kabaka Mutesa was deported to UK. According to Chibita, Radio Uganda slowly mutated into a government mouthpiece that was used to denounce those perceived as opposition, who, needless to say, had little access to this channel. She adds that political programming gradually became highly unsafe so radio resorted to parroting government propaganda and patriotic songs. (Chibita 2010: ). This souring relation between the central government and Buganda kingdom greatly affected the development of a free media in Uganda. In 1971, Amin came to power through a military coup. He à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦seized power from President Milton Obote, the man who led Uganda to independence in 1962. (BBC). On assuming power, he reconstituted all the ministries and replaced them with his right hand men. The military became the centre of the government. He restructured the ministry of information by à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦employing military people to head the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, hiring and firing editorial staff at will and interfering, sometimes physically, in editorial policy and content. (Chibita, 2010: ) The years in between saw Idi Amin kill journalists and nationalize newspapers, a reversal that . . . significantly limited the role that the media could play. (Tabaire 2007:194) This greatly affected the growth of media in Uganda. Only radio Uganda and Uganda Television operated but with firm grip on them by them by the dictatorial regime. When Idi Amin was deposed by the support of government of Tanzania in 1979 (Tabaire 2007), in 1980, Ugandans went to poll to elect their president. Former president, Obote, was again elected as the president although there are claims of rigging. His second term popular known as Obote was short-lived. Many observers including the incumbent president, Yoweri Museveni, claims the elections was not free and fair. He formed the NRA and started a guerilla war against the then democratically elected government of Uganda but in 1985, Obote was toppled internally by his army man General Tito Lutwa Okello in a military coup. Obote for the second time was deposed by his own army leaders. Immediately, Okello urged all political and insurgent groups to support the new government, but the large NRA group refused to join. Peace talks occurred between the government and the NRA, but no agreement was ever reached.(Marblestone 2005) The prevailing political atmosphere and legal regime combined to make it impossible for Radio Uganda to serve as an arena that contributed meaningfully to political competition or participation.(Chibita, 2010: ). On January 26, 1986, Museveni seized power from General Okello (Borzello 2007, (Natukunda-Togboa 2008)). According to Batabaire, Museveni took the oath of office on 29 January 1986 promising that the occasion did not simply amount to another mere change of guard but a fundamental change. In the spirit of this statement, Musevenis NRM government has indeed allowed freedom of expression to a greater extent than previous Ugandan governments (Tabaire 2007:230). He was then been glorified for making significant improvement compared to the past regimes of Obote and Amin. There was libration of airwaves in 1990s. Kavuma remarks that Museveni à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦was originally labeled one of a new breed of African leaders was because of media freedoms. Magazines and newspapers thrivedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦and broadcast media were liberalised, leading to the creation, over the years, of more than 150 private radio and television stations (Kavuma 2010). In 1995, the new constitution of the Republic of Uga nda bestowed the freedom of speech on Ugandans (Constitution of Uganda 1995) This according to Tabaire earned president Museveni international praise for cultivating a relatively liberal media climate' (Tabaire Bernard 2007:204). There was a rise in private FM stations in Uganda. Radio Simba became the first private radio station in Kampala and Uganda. In 1994, Capital radio was again licensed. Later Sanyu FM emerged in 1995. All these were commercially driven radio stations. Radio Simba broadcast in Luganda while Capital and Sanyu are predominantly broadcast in English with only News in vernacular Luganda only. These first three private stations showed the way and in a decade the airwaves became so crowded. Each region started setting up a radio that would broadcast in its own languages. It worth noting that as several private radios emerged; the government owned Radio Uganda lost popularity due to attractive and more entertaining programme from private FMs. In 2005, the Ugandan two giant media houses: Uganda Television (UTV) and Radio Uganda were merged through the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation Act of 2004 and became into effective on November 16, 2005. (Chibita, 210: ). Women and radio in Uganda. After a decade and half of the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in September 1994 in China, it recommended among many things: increased participation and access to media for women, there have been little gains for women in the media? There is still: Little women participations and access of women to media. There is still continued imbalanced in media and stereotyped portrayal of women. In Africa, women still lag behind both decision making and participation in media programming. This paper surveys women access to radio in Uganda. It covers among other things: number of women in radio, women coverage, portrayal and participation and finally a snapshot of factors hindering women participations. In Uganda, there is inadequate data if not almost none on women in decision making and participation in the radio industry. Many surveys on the state of media in Uganda only illustrate: Radio as the most popular media in Uganda. It estimates radio access to be at 92%. It also shows radio is also the main source of information for most Uganda. Many show ownership of the radio stations. Some surveys also show the increasing popularity in community radios while some also highlights the competitions among commercial radios. None of these shows exhaustive data on womens access and participation in mushrooming radios in Uganda. However, according to Global Report of Women in Media in New Media conducted in the Eastern African countries of Ethiopia; Kenya; and Uganda; surprisingly, it shows Uganda has the highest proportion (42 percent) of women employees in media organizations (Kiage and Macakiage 2009:1) followed by Ethiopian and lastly, Kenya at 30% and 26 % respectively. The report shows gender segregation in three radio station in Uganda. It points out that The Central Broadcasting Corporation, Radio Uganda employs 12 female and 48 males. KFM, a Kampala based radio station affiliated to the Monitor News Papers of the Nation Media Group, it employs 11 female and 9 male and Radio Mama employs 23 female and 12 male. However the report does not show what the male and female employees do but it highlights that There is widespread shortage of women professionals at senior and executive level. Only about a third of positions in top management and senior management are women (Kiage and Macakiage 2009:2). The ab sence of women in top managerial positions makes it harder for women to participate effectively through expression and decision-making in media. According to Daisy Anne Namono, Board member of Uganda Television, There is a woman at the level of Deputy Managing Director at the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation and a few others at the level of Manager Radio or Editors. . . . The institutional structure does not allow effective participation of the Deputy Managing Director in decision making (UN Public Information 2009). This illustrates the challenges of women in the mainstream media in Uganda. The Coverage of women in Uganda is found to be very little (Nassanga 2002). According to Nassanga, citing Uganda Media Womens Associations baseline survey in 1994, women received 16% of the media coverage (Nassanga 2002). This coverage are agin concentrated on urban women or those who occupy significant position in society (Nassanga 2002). Women are potrayed as mothers and caretakers (Nassanga and Nattimba 1994). Nassanga argues that media often potray women as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦inept, loose, sex objects, and so on. Women were usually portrayed in traditional domestic roles, and in feminine occupations which involved caring or giving service. The few in professional jobs were often shown as social misfits, especially if they had marital problems. (Nassanga 2002), Mukama remarks that womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ are also invariably portrayed as brainless, dependent, indecisive, subservient and sport for mens pleasure. She adds that Educated working women activists are portrayed as audacious insu bordinate agitators, while those who opt to remain single are portrayed as prostitutes, social degenerates, and immoral beings who sleep their way to the top. (Mukama 2002:147). According to Uganda Media Womens Association and Fredrich Ebert Siftung media report of 1998, findings show that: Women are perpetually stereotyped as domesticated, given to leisure, fashion and beauty interests. They are also invariably portrayed as brainless, dependent, indecisive, subservient and sports for mens leisure. Women are persistently objectified as mens possession. It adds that Educated working women are projected as audacious insubordinate agitators, while those who opt to remain single are portrayed as prostitutes, social degenerates, and immoral beings sleeping their way to the top. Those who hold high political or administrative positions are branded as incompetent and insufficient. They are ultimately demonised and isolated as irrational and inefficient. (UMWA FES 1998:11) Lewis and Boswell, citing Nassanga, the Ugandan mainstream media institutions are ruthlessly masculinist environments that wholly ignore gender-sensitive reporting, and practice extremely hostile forms of gender discrimination. (Lewsi Boswell 2002). As a reslut, mens dominance, Wanyeki argues that women à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦do not have the means to express their own realities, debate their interpretations of those realities and engage in discussions about potential solutions with decision and policy makers (Wanyeki 2000:33). Ojiambo asserts that Mianstream meida has done very little to help women organisations and women at alrge demistify (this kind) of stereotypical thinking (Ojambo 1999:11). Conclusively, Nassanga points that in terms of types of media, radio was found to be accessible than print media to women (Nassanga 2002). Finally, on factors hindering entry in managerial position and participation and, several reasons are cited. Anyango cites negative portrayal and poor working condition (Anyango 2009:24). Nassanga see it as due to lack of gender policiesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. and keeping women for special purpose reporting (Nassanga 2002). According to According to Anyango, Research findings indicate that the Ugandan patriarchal society places a lot of barriers in a womans career path thereby inhibiting professional advancement. Right from birth, it is written that societal norms, values and practices are inculcated into boys and girls such that the boy acquires knowledge and skills for self survival and independence. (Anyango 2009:25). Ojiambo mainstream are doing very little in to alleviate womens position (Ojambo 1999). Nassanga In sum, the reviewed works illustrates inadequacy of data and insights in Ugandas media on women. They reveal little coverage on women and the negative portrayal and several factors hindering women in achieving a gendered media in Uganda. However, not all negative. For example, Khamalwa claims that in the last five years, more women compared to men joined Journalism (Khamalwa 2006:13) According to Anyago, there has been womens improvement in media coverage due to affirmative action by the governement and aslo the rise of women like Action for Development (ACFODE) and Uganda Media Womens Association (UMWA) which have championed womens by advocating for positive portrayal and public education and sensitization (Anyango 2009). In Uganda, with the growth of alternative media especially community radio stations, there are avenue for women participations and expressions. In these stations, womens participate in programming. Women have enough space for voicing their concerns although they s till lack representation at managerial level. Further study is required to fully understand the women in radio industry, if meaningful gender balance is to be accrued in Ugandas radios and media. How is it then done with Mega FM community radios? Women are underrepresented in media content when compared to the 50% of the population which they constitute. In reality many more women work than we get to see or read about in media content. (Zoonen 1994:30) Towards contributions of Mega FM to womens empowerment There has been contestation about the status of Mega FM. This has generated a great deal of debate. One group argues that Mega FM is a community radio while others reject this proposition and claim that it not a community radio at all. A community radio by definition according to UNESCO is A community radio station is one that is operated in the community, for the community, about the community and by the community.  [1]  It adds that It serves a recognizable community; It encourages participatory democracy; It offers the opportunity to any member of the community to initiate communication and participate in program making, management and ownership of the station; It uses technology appropriate to the economic capability of the people, not that which leads to dependence on external sources; It is motivated by community well being, not commercial considerations, It promotes and improves problem solving.  [2]  Whatever their view points, Mega FM calls itself a community radio a nd has been revered for according space for womens participation in their programming. It employs and produces many women programmes than any radio station in northern Uganda. It has been awarded for participation of women and children.  [3]   David Okidi, the station manager: Our programming is based on the fact that we need to inform and entertain so even when we are informing we need to do so in a way that is very interesting. So, coming from a background of conflict, our kind of programming should not forget the fact that listeners are depressed and the programming should appeal to them.  [4]  Its programming is similar to womens community radio in Andhra Pradesh, India, where The radios team of reporters collect stories related to agriculture, education, health issues, womens empowerment.  [5]  Womens programmes are mainly pre-recorded and played as magazines. This is because of lack of access to telephone access by women. Besides recording, womens participations are still welcome through phone-in into on-air programmes and letters which are read on the stations. Contributions The power of community radio to mobilize groups and bring change to societies is well recognized.)  [6]   Community radios and constructive broadcasting: Mega FM promotes constructive communication for in northern Uganda. Their constructive broadcasting is shape by their understanding concerns and challenges in the community. Programme makers argue that they have wealth of reporters who constantly keep them informed in most community events. According to one radio presenter, doing a community programmes require understanding of the community.  [7]  One radio producer adds that our programming is not just about giving women platform to talk, it about involving them in programming and developing content while aiming at one outcome together.  [8]  This reflects through understanding of radio programming. Elisa et al believe that Using radio as a catalyst for social change and development requires thorough understanding of the principles of radio programming. Such principles include the importance of clearly identifying and defining the specific target audience, ensuring continuity o f radio programming and making certain that programmes have a strong, locally relevant message.  [9]  In this way Mega FM works to show positive portrayal of women while carefully highlighting the issues for public understanding and tackling issues that emerge within society. Programmes are tailored to moderated and tailored to meet needs. According to Dyere womens group leader, who is a regular on Mega FM, she notes that Mega FM deals with womens issues that emerge within our different places.  [10]  Additionally, another one woman adds that It does not seek to damage women but it reports in an honest, responsible way.

Educational Planning Essay

The University has recognized the significance of each unit producing and maintaining Disaster Recovery Plans (also known as business continuity or contingency plans) in order to prepare and address how each unit will continue doing business in the event of a severe disruption or disaster. The Disaster Recovery Planning Team, coordinated by the Client Advocacy Office (CAO) will be the primary resource for assisting each unit with the DRP initiative, by providing education, awareness and tools. The team will work to identify, collect, and organize information and tools for disaster recovery planning and documentation, and disseminate all information to University units in an effective and easily understood manner, so that unit plans may aggressively be developed, tested, distributed, and a copy provided to the CAO for central tracking purposes. After the initial endeavor, the responsibility for providing support will transition from the DRP Team to the Client Advocacy Office. Definitions: Business Continuity is an all-encompassing term covering both disaster recovery planning and business resumption planning. Disaster Recovery is the ability to respond to an interruption in services by implementing a plan to restore an organization’s critical business functions. Both are differentiated from Loss Prevention Planning, which comprises regularly scheduled activities such as system back-ups, system authentication and authorization (security), virus scanning, and system usage monitoring (primarily for capacity indications). The primary focus of this effort is on Disaster Recovery Planning. Developing the Plan: The following ten steps, more thoroughly described in the document that follows, generally characterize disaster Recovery Plans: Purpose and Scope for a Unit Disaster Recovery Plan The primary reason for a unit to engage in business continuity and contingency planning (also known as â€Å"disaster recovery† planning) is to ensure the ability of the unit to function effectively in the event of a severe disruption to normal operations. Severe disruptions can arise from several sources: natural disasters (tornadoes, fire, flood, etc. , equipment failures, process failures, from mistakes or errors in judgment, as well as from malicious acts (such as denial of service attacks, hacking, viruses, and arson, among others). While the unit may not be able to prevent any of these from occurring, planning enables the unit to resume essential operations more rapidly than if no plan existed. Before proceeding further, it is important to distinguish between loss preventi on planning and disaster recovery planning. The focus of Loss prevention planning is on minimizing a unit’s exposure to the elements of risk that can threaten normal operations. In the technology realm, unit loss prevention planning includes such activities as providing for system back-ups, making sure that passwords remain confidential and are changed regularly, and for ensuring operating systems remain secure and free of viruses. Disaster recovery planning focuses on the set of actions a unit must take to restore service and normal (or as nearly normal as practical) operations in the event that a significant loss has occurred. A systematic disaster recovery plan does not focus unit efforts and planning on each type of possible disruption. Rather it looks for the common elements in any disaster: i. . , loss of information, loss of personnel, loss of equipment, loss of access to information and facilities, and seeks to design the contingency program around all main activities the unit performs. The plan will specify the set of actions for implementation for each activity in the event of any of these disruptions in order for the unit to resume doing business in the minimum amount of time. Disaster Recovery Planning consists of three principal sets of activities. 1. Identifying the common elements of plausible disruptions that might severely disrupt critical or important unit operations. . Anticipating the impacts and effects that might result from these operational disruptions. 3. Developing and documenting contingent responses so that recovery from these interruptions can occur as quickly as possible. The major outcome of a Unit Disaster Recovery Planning Project is the development of a unit plan. The plan benefits the unit in that it: †¢ Establishes the criteria and severity of a disruption based on the impact the disruption will cause to the unit’s critical functions. †¢ Determines critical functions and systems, and the associated durations required for recovery. Determines the resources required to support those critical functions and systems, and defines the requirements for a recovery site. †¢ Identifies the people, skills, resources and suppliers needed to assist in the recovery process. †¢ Identifies the vital records, which must be stored offsite to support resumptions of unit operations. †¢ Documents the appropriate procedures and the information required to recover from a disaster or severe disruption. †¢ Addresses the need to maintain the currency of the plan’s information over time. Addresses testing the documented procedure s to ensure their completeness and accuracy. Objective and Goals for a Disaster Recovery Planning Project The primary objective of any contingency plan is to ensure the ability of the unit to function effectively in the event of an interruption due to the loss of information, loss of personnel, or loss of access to information and facilities. The goals for contingency planning are to provide for: †¢ The continuation of critical and important unit operations in the event of an interruption. †¢ The recovery of normal operations in the event of an interruption. The timely notification of appropriate unit and university officials in a predetermined manner as interruption severity or duration escalates. †¢ The offline backup and availability, or alternative availability, of critical components, including: Data files, Software, Hardware, Voice and Data Communications, Documentation, Supplies and forms, People, Inventory Lists. †¢ An alternate method for performing activities electronically and/or manually. †¢ Any required changes in user methods necessary to accomplish such alternate means of processing. †¢ The periodic testing of the plan to ensure its continuing effectiveness. Documentation on the business unit’s plan for response, recovery, resumption, restoration, and return after severe disruption. Contingency planning seeks to accomplish the goals above, while minimizing certain exposures to risks that may impact the recovery and business resumption process, including: †¢ The number of decisions that must be made following a disaster or severe disruption. †¢ Single point of failure conditions in the unit infrastructure. †¢ Dependence on the par ticipation of any specific person or group of people in the recovery process. †¢ The lack of available staff with suitable skills to affect the recovery. The needs to develop, test, or debug new procedures, programs or systems during recovery. †¢ The adverse impact of lost data, recognizing that the loss of some transactions may be inevitable. Conducting the Business Disaster Planning Project There are three phases of a Disaster Recovery Planning Project. †¢ The information needed to identify critical systems, potential impacts and risks, resources, and recovery procedures are gathered in Phase I. †¢ Phase II is the actual writing and testing of the Disaster Recovery Plan. †¢ Phase III is ongoing and consists of plan maintenance and audits. I. Information Gathering Step One – Organize the Project The scope and objectives of the plan and the planning process are determined, a coordinator appointed, the project team is assembled, and a work plan and schedule for completing the initial phases of the project are developed. Step Two – Conduct Business Impact Analysis Critical systems, applications, and business processes are identified and prioritized. Interruption impacts are evaluated and planning assumptions, including the physical scope and duration of the outage, are made. Step Three – Conduct Risk Assessment The physical risks to the unit are defined and quantified. The risks identify the vulnerability of the critical systems, by identifying physical security, backup procedures and/or systems, data security, and the likelihood of a disaster occurring. By definition Risk Assessment is the process of not only identifying, but also minimizing the exposures to certain threats, which an organization may experience. While gathering information for the DRP, system vulnerability is reviewed and a determination made to either accept the risk or make modifications to reduce it. Step Four – Develop Strategic Outline for Recovery Recovery strategies are developed to minimize the impact of an outage. Recovery strategies address how the critical functions, identified in the Business Impact Analysis (step 2), will be recovered and to what level resources will be required, the period in which they will be recovered, and the role central University resources will play in augmenting or assisting unit resources in affecting timely recovery. The recovery process normally consists of these stages: 1. Immediate response 2. Environmental restoration 3. Functional restoration 4. Data synchronization 5. Restoration of business functions . Interim site 7. Return home Step Five – Review Onsite and Offsite Backup and Recovery Procedures Vital records required for supporting the critical systems, data center operations, and other priority functions as identified in the Business Impact Analysis, are verified and procedures needed to recover them and to reconstruct lost data are developed. In addition, the review of the procedures to establish and maintain offsite backup are completed. Vital records include everything from the libraries, files, and code to forms and documentation. Step Six – Select Alternate Facility This item addresses determining recovery center requirements, identifying alternatives and making an alternative facility, site recommendation/selection. Consideration should be given to the use of University resources (e. g. , Administrative Information Services, Computer Lab, or another unit) as alternative sites before seeking outside solutions For further information on alternative University sites please contact the Client Advocacy Office at 517-353-4856. II. Writing and Testing the Plan Step Seven – Develop Recovery Plan This phase centers on documenting the actual recovery plan. This includes documenting the current environment as well as the recovery environment and action plans to follow at the time of a disaster or severe disruption, specifically describing how recovery (as defined in the strategies) for each system and application is accomplished. Step Eight – Test the Plan A test plan/strategy for each recovery application as well as the operating environment is developed. Testing occurs on the plans and assumptions made for completeness and accuracy. Modifications occur as necessary following the results of the testing. This portion of the project is perpetual for the life of the plan.

TCU Acceptance Rate, SAT/ACT Scores

Texas Christian University (TCU) is a private Christian university with an acceptance rate of 41%. The university is associated with the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), and TCUs 271-acre campus is located five miles from Fort Worth. On the academic front, TCU has a 13-to-1  student/faculty ratio, and the school values student-teacher interaction. Undergraduates can choose from 115 areas of study, with popular majors including business and education. For its strengths in the liberal arts and sciences, TCU was awarded a chapter of the  Phi Beta Kappa  academic honor society. The university consistently ranks among the best Texas colleges and best colleges of the south-central United States. In athletics, the Texas Christian Horned Frogs compete in the NCAA Division I  Big 12 Conference. Applicants can choose from the TCU Application, Common Application, or ApplyTexas Application. TCU has an Early Decision program that can improve admission chances for students who are s ure the university is their top choice school. Considering applying to Texas Christian University? Here are the admissions statistics you should know, including average SAT/ACT scores of admitted students. Acceptance Rate During the 2017-18 admissions cycle, Texas Christian University had an acceptance rate of 41%. This means that for every 100 students who applied, 41 students were admitted, making TCUs admissions process competitive. Admissions Statistics (2017-18) Number of Applicants 20,156 Percent Admitted 41% Percent Admitted Who Enrolled (Yield) 27% SAT Scores and Requirements Texas Christian University requires that all applicants submit either SAT or ACT scores. During the 2017-18 admissions cycle, 41% of admitted students submitted SAT scores. SAT Range (Admitted Students) Section 25th Percentile 75th Percentile ERW 580 660 Math 570 680 ERW=Evidence-Based Reading and Writing This admissions data tells us that most of TCUs admitted students fall within the top 35% nationally on the SAT. For the evidence-based reading and writing section, 50% of students admitted to Texas Christian scored between 580 and 660, while 25% scored below 580 and 25% scored above 660. On the math section, 50% of admitted students scored between 570 and 680, while 25% scored below 570 and 25% scored above 680. Applicants with a composite SAT score of 1340 or higher will have particularly competitive chances at TCU. Requirements Texas Christian participates in the scorechoice program, which means that the admissions office will consider your highest score from each individual section across all SAT test dates. The SAT writing section is optional at TCU, and SAT Subject tests are not required. ACT Scores and Requirements Texas Christian requires that all applicants submit either SAT or ACT scores. During the 2017-18 admissions cycle, 59% of admitted students submitted ACT scores. ACT Range (Admitted Students) Section 25th Percentile 75th Percentile English 26 33 Math 25 29 Composite 26 30 This admissions data tells us that most of TCUs admitted students fall within the top 18% nationally on the ACT. The middle 50% of students admitted to Texas Christian received a composite ACT score between 26 and 30, while 25% scored above 30 and 25% scored below 26. Requirements TCU does not require the ACT writing section. Unlike many universities, Texas Christian superscores ACT results; your highest subscores from multiple ACT sittings will be considered. GPA Texas Christian University does not provide data about admitted students high school GPAs. Self-Reported GPA/SAT/ACT Graph Texas Christian University Applicants Self-Reported GPA/SAT/ACT Graph. Data courtesy of Cappex. The admissions data in the graph is self-reported by applicants to Texas Christian University. GPAs are unweighted. Find out how you compare to accepted students, see the real-time graph, and calculate your chances of getting in with a free Cappex account. Admissions Chances Texas Christian University, which accepts fewer than half of applicants, has a selective admissions process. However, TCU has a holistic admissions process involving other factors beyond your grades and test scores. The TCU admissions folks take into consideration the rigor of your high school courses, your application essay, extracurricular activities, and letters of recommendation. Applicants may also benefit from an optional interview and Freedom of Expression submission. Successful applicants to TCU will need strong academic records. In the graph above, the blue and green dots represent accepted students. You can see that the majority of students who got in had at least B averages in high school, and they had combined SAT scores of about 1050 or higher (ERWM), and ACT composite scores of 21 or higher. The higher your grades and standardized test scores, the better your chances are of receiving an acceptance letter. All admissions data has been sourced from the National Center for Admissions Statistics and Texas Christian University Undergraduate Admissions Office.